There have been periods throughout history known as feminist waves. During these waves, feminists gathered together to struggle for women’s rights and aggressively advocated for feminist ideas and activities. As a result of the disparity that existed between men and women, these events were characterized by a series of social and political campaigns for changes on topics that concerned women (Krook, 2020). These campaigns were brought about as a direct result of the inequality between men and women. Throughout history, the active feminist movement may be divided into several waves. The constant unification of female activists at particular junctures throughout history is the cause of the resurgence of different waves of feminism at various moments in history (Rome et al., 2019). Violence against women and sexual violence, including assault, have soared in the previous 20 years (D’Cruze, 2012). Despite much research, numerous gaps remain in our understanding of violence against women. This essay will examine the waves of feminism, the issues of justice they addressed, and how feminists explain violence against women.
The first wave of feminism, which advocated for the right of all people to vote, arose in Germany after that country granted women the right to vote, whereas the United States had not yet done so. The female activist in the United States marched on the White House while shouting that democracy should be extended to everyone (Rome et al., 2019). This movement took place throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century and the early part of the twentieth century. This feminist wave led to conversations regarding women’s engagement in politics and the right of women to vote; it also led to an analysis of how women and men differ in this regard.
The debate on women’s superiority was complicated because campaigners argued that the presence of women in positions of civic authority would promote political progression and public behavior. Only white women were granted these rights during the first wave of feminism, despite its primary objective being to acknowledge women as humans rather than properties (Johnson, 2017). The abolitionists who led this movement were the driving force for their exclusive support for whites rather than support for people of all races.
The exclusion of women of other races will continue to haunt feminists throughout the upcoming year due to this wave. Because the Seneca Falls Conference in the United States was the first women’s rights convention talking-place, it was the venue where the first wave of women’s rights activism took root in both the United Kingdom and the United States (Johnson, 2017). This movement began with cries for the abolition of husband ownership of wife, but as it drew close, its focus switched to the right of all people to vote. After some white women of a specific age and economic status were granted the right to vote, this wave of suffrage ended.
The second wave of women’s rights, which started in the 20th century, concentrated on issues of the job, the home, sexuality, and reproductive rights. The emancipation of women was the primary goal of this organization. In the second wave, participation was open to all women, irrespective of their ages, economic situations, or skin tones. During this period of feminism, women were conceptualized as a social class by feminists to illustrate the interconnected nature of oppression based on race, class, and gender (Johnson, 2017). During this period, feminists drew inspiration from various social groups, such as the anti-war and environmental movements. In the same way that many aims of the first wave were accomplished through legislation and significant judicial judgments. Many of the second wave’s difficulties were also resolved in this way, with class and race being considered secondary goals if there was a need to consider them at all. This wave successfully eliminated the inequality between white men and women, but the gap between other women and white men or women did not close.
The second phase of the feminist movement started with a protest against the Miss America pageant. During this protest, feminists condemned what they hosted at the event. They concluded based on the observation that women are frequently employed as objects of beauty and in other contexts ruled by patriarchy that sought to occupy households with low-paying occupations (Rome et al., 2019). As a result, issues during the second wave of feminism were considered less urgent, and the feminists came together to form an organization that was exclusive to women and fought for women’s rightful position in society. This wave became increasingly theoretical within the setting of neo-Marxism and psychoanalytical theory.
Post-colonial theory is largely responsible for establishing the third phase of feminist waves, which began in the middle of the nineties. This phase destabilized numerous contrasts in previous waves, such as the notion of universal womanhood, bodily gender, and sexuality. In the third wave of feminism, feminists argued for the empowerment of ‘grrls,’ rejected the idea that women should be victims, and encouraged women to define their standards of what constitutes feminine beauty. Since it was comprised of highbred first and second-wave immigrants, this wave developed a heightened awareness of racial issues (Rome et al., 2019). The third wave of feminists was influenced by their observations of the rise of human inequality. The scenarios resulted in the establishment of the third wave of feminism, which was an advancement of the first and second waves.
The first wave and the third wave both overlooked the racial difference that exists between genders. The third wave, however, took these issues seriously and fought for them to be addressed. Rebecca Walker came up with the term for this third phase in 1992. This movement was brought on by an increase in sexual harassment and pornography. Feminists at the time contended that pornographic content was intended solely for the enjoyment of men and that women were merely the objects of men’s sexual fantasies. This wave was also distinguished by increased consciousness of the concept of intersectionality (Johnson, 2017). In addition, it attacked the second wave for prioritizing the rights of white women. The second-wave radicals established a foothold of power that the third-wave radicals were able to inherit, along with long-established feminist groups and long-established publication outlets that radicalized their beliefs. In contrast to the presence of the fourth wave, it is believed that the third wave is still active.
Feminism is the movement for social change through strategic orientations that assume the views of both genders and their social organization. Feminism also refers to the ideology that underpins this movement. As mentioned above, scholars and feminists have methodically categorized the various feminist movements throughout history into three waves. There is a direct connection between Marxist views concerning exploitation, oppression, and labor and social feminism. The feminism espoused by Karl Marx is an ideology that advocates for the abolition of capitalism to achieve gender equality (Allen, 2018). According to Marist feminism, ‘ dependence, economic inequality, political confusion, and unhealthy social relationships between women and men are the origin of women’s oppression in the current social context (Miller & Mullins, 2017).’
Regarding sexual assault, which is related to ‘stranger danger’, there has been a discussion about the liberal and radical feminists, social control theory in link to feminism, routes mechanisms, and radical mechanisms. The term ‘stranger danger’ refers to the caution that anyone a person does not know personally could pose a threat to them. It illustrates the moral panic that might arise when people in a society encounter someone or something they have never encountered before (Miller & Mullins, 2017). That term is meant to sum up women’s risk while interacting with strangers.
The liberal feminism view of women addresses how gender and crime are socially constructed. Ashraf et al. (2017) argued that discrimination against women kept them in subordinate roles in the home, and gender stereotypes could explain why fewer women committed crimes. According to studies, the primary emotional response of female victims of sexual assault is dread, with subsequent effects including problems in communicating and trusting males and avoiding specific social situations involving men (Renzetti, 2018). The dread is because of the increased worry and consciousness about the potential danger of violence perpetrated by men (Miller & Mullins, 2017). If more women had access to the workforce, there would be an increase in white-collar crimes like fraud and embezzlement (Allen, 2018). Two hundred eighty-seven female students in grades eight through twelve completed an anonymous online survey. This study showed that a person’s views on feminism and employment prospects had a minimal impact on social delinquency but a slightly larger impact on property and aggressive crime (Allen, 2018). Therefore, according to the women’s liberation hypothesis, the rate of crime committed by women varies depending on the kind of jobs available to them and the goals they aspire to achieve.
The Women’s Liberation Hypothesis and Social Control Theory have comparable theoretical ideas. There has been neglect and sexist treatment of women in historical and current theoretical debates on criminal activity and the lack of details on women’s consistently low crime rate (Miller & Mullins, 2017). It contributes to the idea that ‘freedom generates crime,’ which was introduced by Adler in a prior discussion. According to a poll conducted on college women across the country, 28 percent have been victims of sexual assault since 14, and these assaults met the legal definition of rape (Brownmiller, 1975). A compilation of qualitative data from many campuses in the United States found that lowering women’s social control over their access to public settings has led to collective repercussions such as increased sexual assaults related to dates and other acquaintances (Temkin & Krahe, 2008). In general, women are more likely to offend less since they feel fewer social relationships than males due to the control exerted over them by society and men.
Radical feminism’s roots in patriarchy lie in males’ aggressive control over women’s sexuality and their subjection to men. Because of their biological predisposition for aggression, men have a leg up on women when it comes to exerting dominance and thereby maintaining power and control (Miller & Mullins, 2017). Kelly Weisberg, a radical feminist, has said that “the rule of law is excessively patriarchal” and that “the laws we have are both masculine’s in terms of their intended recipient and authorship (Allen, 2018).” Men must rule and control women according to the principles of radical feminism. Assault of a sexual nature is a societal construct of male authority, with its definition and enforcement being enacted by men (Allen, 2018). Allen’s (2018) research highlights the prevalence of radical feminist beliefs among Aboriginal tribal populations. In a survey of 187 people, 37 percent of women said they’d rather not say whether or not they fear their husbands because of the questions. This raises problems about the thinking of women in their tribal society (Miller & Mullins, 2017). According to this radical feminist theory, male perpetrators of sexual violence take advantage of their victims’ feelings of powerlessness and shame to exert dominance and control. The issue faces legal challenges such as the difficulties of passing laws to make this type of violence illegal, guarantee prosecution and punishment, give victims agency and support, and improve opportunities for prevention.
In conclusion, there have been waves of feminism throughout history. These periods of intense advocacy for women’s rights were marked by widespread participation in feminist politics and activism. Germany was the first country to offer women the right to vote; the United States did not do so until much later. It sparked the first wave of feminism, which called for universal suffrage. The second wave of feminism, which began in the twentieth century, advocated for women’s rights in work, family, sexuality, and reproduction. The third wave of feminism, which began in the mid-1990s, may be traced back largely to the influence of post-colonial philosophy. Policies and laws have been modified in constructive ways as a result of feminist theories. In the areas of equal pay, education, birth control, abortion, marriage, and divorce, feminists have advocated for legal reform. The Women’s Liberation Movement primarily focused on the struggle to gain formal political representation for women. Their objective was to obtain the right to vote, education, property rights, the ability to run for office in parliament, and equal representation in political positions.
References
Allen, A. (2018). The power of feminist theory: Domination, resistance, solidarity. Routledge.
Ashraf, S., Abrar-ul-Haq, M., & Ashraf, S. (2017). Domestic violence against women: Empirical evidence from Pakistan. Pertanika Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities, 25(3), 1401-1418.
Brownmiller (1975): ‘Ownership’ – women as a form of property and the rape of women as an offence against men.
D’Cruze, S. (2012) ‘Sexual Violence in History: A contemporary; Heritage’, in J. M. Brown and S. L. Walklate (eds.) Handbook on Sexual Violence, London: Routledge
Johnson, T. B. (2017). Waves of Feminism and the Media.
Krook, M. L. (2020). Violence against women in politics. How gender can transform the social sciences (pp. 57-64). Palgrave Pivot, Cham.
Miller, J., & Mullins, C. W. (2017). The status of feminist theories in criminology. Taking stock, 217-249.
Renzetti, C. M. (2018). Feminist perspectives. In Routledge handbook of critical criminology (pp. 74-82). Routledge.
Rome, A. S., O’Donohoe, S., & Dunnett, S. (2019). Rethinking feminist waves. In Handbook of research on gender and marketing (pp. 252-272). Edward Elgar Publishing.
Temkin, J and Krahe, B. (2008) Sexual Assault and the Justice Gap: A question of attitude, Oxford: Hart Publishing.