Study of China and the World

The article by Catherine Keyser and Su Lin is based on the different definitions of the term “peaceful rise” brought about by the different views by the different scholars. There is controversy over the possibility of a peaceful rise through international development and international relations due to delicate international relations. Keyser and Lin suggest that the debate provides a way of understanding the views and thinking of international relations in China.

The authors argue that the term “peaceful rise” does not clearly define China’s growing strength. They further state that the term was controversial because its far reaching foreign policy implication had implications both on the domestic and international political scene. All in all it is clear that the slogan did not properly describe China’s rise, for the rise in the end has effects on China and its neighbours.

Robert Sutter seeks to explain the underlying factors that have facilitated China’s need to maintain amiable relations with her neighbours. As Sutter establishes, the catalyst to China’s interest is energy, oil and natural gas, due to the insatiable energy needs for her economic development, which has always been central to China’s agenda. However, for this to be effected, Sutter insists that China had to ensure that proper diplomatic policies are in place so as to create a stable and productive economic environment. Furthermore, this would secure China’s legitimate status in major international issues, counter the increasing US influence in Central Asia and create stronger allies with Russia.

Sutter illustrates how China developed a keen interest in the emerging Central Asian nations as a means of extending their interests and influence in the region by effectively extending its western front and eventually gaining access to the regions extensive energy reserves, which hitherto had remained a coveted Russian stronghold. This, Sutter states, has been strategically and effectively executed in that China has managed to dodge a double edged sword; Russia’s lethal wrath and a distorted and provoked Central Asia.

Yong Meng in the article “,” is categorical in stating that this is a term coined by Japan and Western nations. She argues that threat so called threat emanated from two quarters; economic and security. As far as security goes, these nations emphasized on the arm sales and lack of transparency while on the economic front, Yong states that this could be as a result of intimidation due to the spectacular Chinese economic growth, which would be at the expense of it economic rivals. Yong concludes while managing the China threat is increasingly challenging, the only way of lifting the theory is through deliberate and elaborate efforts aimed at the creation of a cooperative and conscious international image.

Robert Sutter gives a detailed view on the delicate relationship that has existed between China and Japan since time immemorial. Sutter asserts that while Japan has been wary of China’s rapid and overpowering economic growth, China has been on the other hand displayed concerns over the impressive military muscle of Japan following the 1996 Japan- US agreement. Sutter suggests that China’s concern was more over the US’ influence in the region and considered Japan a secondary threat when compared to the US. Despite their differences, Sutter asserts that the two nations had one common goal; the economic development of the Shin-Japanese link.

He continues to illustrate that the two nations concentrated on domestic developments and this was only possible if a peaceful coexistence was maintained. However, in light of their volatile and often tense relations, Sutter questions the stability of their future relation with each other.

Both authors are in agreement over the extent of the delicate international status o China and agree that China must move with caution and haste to remedy the situation.

In the book Fragile Superpower, the Susan Shrink seeks to give a detailed account of China’s unending struggle to project itself to the world as a diplomatic and responsible power. The onset of this struggle commenced the minute China was economically overtaking its counterparts. First, only the Asian countries were agitated by this growth. However, with the passage of time and increasing economic dominance, western countries, especially the United States began to regard China with skepticism and anxiety. This, Shrink believes, was fuelled by the worry that not only was China’s dominance overpowering Asia but that is “taking over the world.” This to Shrink is a sad feat as in this era of globalization, it is unfortunate for nations to equate economic prowess to geopolitical struggles.

Shrink states that it was then that china coined to Peaceful rise campaign that had three basic objective; to reassure the international community of is peaceful intension, to participate in multilateral institution and to use economic affiliations to form allies. Shrink insists that this strategy must have succeed as China’s international image improved significantly mostly due to the willingness of China to accommodate smaller economies for the sake of mutually beneficial settlements.

Shrink believes that by engaging in multilateral organizations, China placed itself in an ideal position of trust and mutual cooperation with its neighbors, who would have otherwise presented themselves as lethal foes. Furthermore, it is only through multilateralism that China would be able to spread its influence without appearing aggressive or threatening. Shrink asserts that indeed China is a fragile superpower because of the pressure bestowed on it to balance delicately between refraining from seeming like a threat while maintaining the impressive economic growth it is recording all the while, projecting itself as a responsible power so as to maintain cordial relations among members of the international community.

Ming Wan’s article offers a critical look into the motivating factors surrounding Chinese Foreign Policy. Ming categorically states that the Chinese foreign policy is motivated by all the wrong reasons; pride, aspirations and fear. Ming notes that the Chinese foreign policy has come along way since the era of Mao, which placed strict emphasis on the enactment of counterrevolutionary barriers aimed at maintaining the unchallenged status quo.

However, legal and economic reforms inevitably opened China’s human rights issues to the world and as a result of increased international pressure, China was forced to move away from their age old history of victimization and embrace human rights. China embraced the Third World Nations as a way of broadening its foreign ally base. Ming demonstrates how China explicitly objected the use of human rights as a leeway to external interference by the West and instead called for dialogue by engaging in extensive discussions and cooperation with the West on matters of human rights.

From the diabolic family planning policies to oppression of political activists to the inhumane treatment of Tibetans, Yong Deng presents a compelling demonstration of the extent of the mockery of human rights by China. Yong further illustrates how this feat has been furthered by China’s extreme secrecy of its national issues, especially those concerning human rights matters. While nations such as the US, Japan and most European nations differ on a whole bunch of issues, Yond states that their concerns over China’s human rights issues is synonymous. Yong argues that as a result of international scrutiny, the pressure to save face and economic transformations, China has improved significantly on its approach to matters of human rights.

The synonymous point between these authors is that China has failed because not only does it not allow for any form of internal or external deviance from what has been defined as law but also that the Chinese foreign policy is off the mark in that it is a gross subordination of the motivating factors by its western counterparts. They insist that the only reason the China has embraced human rights is so as to keep in step with the rest of the world, maintain national power and to avoid the wrath of a discontent public.

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Premium Papers. (2022, December 27). Study of China and the World. Retrieved from


Premium Papers. (2022, December 27). Study of China and the World.

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"Study of China and the World." Premium Papers, 27 Dec. 2022,


Premium Papers. (2022) 'Study of China and the World'. 27 December.


Premium Papers. 2022. "Study of China and the World." December 27, 2022.

1. Premium Papers. "Study of China and the World." December 27, 2022.


Premium Papers. "Study of China and the World." December 27, 2022.